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Today, May 9, 2026, Kossuth Square in front of the Parliament Building will be packed, and the slogans of freedom, love, justice, and the dawn of a new era will likely ring out louder than ever since the regime change of 1989. But beneath the veil of euphoria, the intimidation and collective revenge against the defeated political opponent has already begun, and the great purge has set in motion—a purge that stands among the cornerstones of the new era beginning today, writes Katalin Deme.
Today symbolically seals a fateful turning point that began on April 12, and whose driving forces and logic Hungarian society has not yet understood or been able to comprehend. The 27 days that have passed since election night have uprooted a social order that had developed over 16 years and destroyed the spirit of national resistance that Hungary alone embodied in the face of liberal hegemony and the tide of globalization.
What we have understood so far is that the majority of Hungarians eligible to vote have replaced a political symbol that had been in place for too long with a political counter-symbol.
Instead of “God, nation, homeland,” prosperity, self-interest, and the European Union have entered the canon of fundamental social values. An old eagle with slightly worn feathers has been replaced in the hall of fame of Hungarian history by a cuckoo bird that knows how to skillfully swap out its feathers.
And while the former political leader acknowledged defeat, congratulated the winner, and took responsibility for the flawed election strategy and governance errors, the latter responded with threats and mockery and treated the victory as a personal trophy.
Today, Hungary’s new prime minister is being sworn in, and the social test of the governance model he represents begins. Over the past 27 days, the conservative nationalist camp has traveled a thorny path; the awakening from defeat was marked by a search for causes, accusations and self-reproach, hopelessness, and a state of being outside of time and space. Some see the new political movement’s two-thirds victory as a coup d’état disguised as a democratic election; others see it as the sovereign choice of Hungarian society. Time will tell who has grasped the truth. In any case, once the ceremonial event at Kossuth Square is over, the 45-year-old man—who campaigned in white sneakers and slim-fit jeans, led a lifestyle marked by disco parties and alcohol-fueled escapades, and wiretapped his wife for political purposes—will have to take his seat in the Parliament Building and adjust his conduct to the dignity of the highest legal office.
And the bar will be set high. The outgoing prime minister adhered to the credo “philosophy first, politics second,” regularly devoted time to the study of political science, and thought in terms of long-term national strategy. He was one of the few politicians in Europe who boldly and at great personal risk declared that without the protection of Christian culture and a sense of belonging to one’s roots, Europe would cease to exist. He represented the Hungarian model, rooted in a civic, conservative worldview. According to his formulation, the uniqueness of the Hungarian model lay in the fact that being born Hungarian meant belonging to a unique and special nation: “You speak a language, you position yourself in the world and the world within yourself with a certain mindset, and you organize your life according to truths and laws that are unique to us. If you were born Hungarian, then you belong to an endangered race that so many have sought to eradicate in so many ways and for such a long time that our very existence has become a political statement.”
The Hungarian nation, whose millions were forced into second-class citizenship in neighboring states after 1920 by the Treaty of Trianon, was first regarded by the outgoing prime minister’s political movement as an integral part of national survival. He consistently supported their institutions, strengthened their historical consciousness, and made them feel that the Motherland regarded them as equal citizens.
In contrast, the prime minister to be inaugurated today represents, at best, a Dionysian bon-vivant philosophy of life. We do not yet know his national strategy or political program. Although he has inherited the Hungarian name from his predecessors, the extent to which he is aware of the vulnerability of the Hungarian people will become clear within weeks. During his election campaign, the prime minister to be sworn in today used national flags and tricolors as props and toured Transylvania, Upper Hungary, and Vojvodina with them as if he were attending a folklore festival. And during his first post-election talks with the leaders of the Hungarian diaspora, he immediately threatened them and demanded disciplined political loyalty. During his negotiations with the EU, however, the new prime minister will have to show his true colors, and on issues of migration, the gender lobby, and war, it will be his personal decision whether he places Hungarians on the brink of a chasm alongside the other European nations.
The outgoing minister’s principle was that, in the event of an election victory, there was no need to eliminate everything associated with the opposition. In 2010, he believed that “there should be room for everyone under the sun.” He saw that in the West, they were unable to break free from the confines of an exclusively liberal framework. In contrast, despite all his shortcomings and political missteps, he created a more pluralistic, vibrant, and colorful Hungarian political landscape. The new prime minister, who has just taken office, intends to establish pluralism based on the principle of embracing globalized diversity and deviant difference, from which the segment of society wishing to live according to traditional values will be excluded.
Today, our compatriots are celebrating the “regime change” in Kossuth Square, having voted for unconditional alignment with the declining West. This would be the third Hungarian regime change since the end of the Cold War. After 1989, the replacement of communism with a liberal social order; in 2010, the fusion of the liberal order with the national-conservative order; and today, on May 9, 2026, a regime change that is as yet faceless and devoid of individual values, which proclaims nothing other than the replacement of the old. Hungary’s historical experience, which had crystallized a keen sense of danger, seems to have been clouded. We have allowed ourselves to be divided. This is Satan’s most trivial trick, one he has successfully employed time and again throughout history.
One part of Hungarian society today bids farewell to an era of nation-building and a time of peace, while another part sees a mafia state and a hybrid regime collapsing and celebrates. We Hungarians have never been so alienated from one another, nor have we ever spoken such different languages. We now have four years to identify the causes of this division and to initiate the reunification of the nation from within.
Our country’s development and international reputation over the past 16 years have been tied to a distinctive intellectual figure and political movement. In modern Hungarian history, the only other era marked by a single leading figure and a coherent national policy existed between the two world wars. Only Prime Minister István Bethlen, who rejected the national annihilation envisioned by the Treaty of Trianon, represented a similar political line. It is true that in Europe, along a destructive line of coherence, Chancellor Angela Merkel also shaped an era and steered her country and Europe toward the destruction of nations with German precision. For this fateful role, she is still celebrated and honored to this day.
MTI/Miniszterelnöki Sajtóiroda/Benko Vivien Cher
My fellow citizens, let us not support this anomaly, and starting today, May 9, let us begin to speak in the language of respect and recognition about a unique era that has come to a close, whether we were its proponents or its opponents. Alongside criticism and confronting mistakes, let us also bid farewell today in Kossuth Square to a great statesman and thinker—at the very least, as a pillar of the Parliament Building during the 36 years since the 1989 regime change. A man who had the spiritual courage not only to shatter the stone tablets, but to dare to blaze a new trail, and if there was no model for the new tablets, to create one through the lens of national sovereignty. And we will preserve these stone tablets for the entire nation. Honor to the departing great warrior. Hungary above all, and God above us all!
Author: Katalin Deme
Featured Image: Facebook Viktor Orbán
The post A Tribute to a Departing Great Warrior appeared first on Hungary Today.
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