iustitia.bg
“The certain choice,” reads the damaged poster in a Budapest street.
The truly dramatic elections on April 12 have reshaped Hungary’s political landscape with such unprecedented speed and force that even left-leaning observers have been taken aback by the efficiency of the globalist steamroller. What was, only days ago, Viktor Orbán’s conservative sovereigntist dam holding back the tide of liberal ideology and euro-federalist expansion has now been hammered into submission by the victors. Our pre-election warning is sadly becoming reality at a merciless pace.
The changes since the election have been radical. The supermajority won by Péter Magyar’s party has surprised not only Hungarian conservatives but, to some extent, even centrist and former Fidesz voters—those who wanted change after 16 years of the same ruling elite yet remained wary of granting a two-thirds majority to an untested political force. Well-informed sources close to Viktor Orbán have admitted that even the Prime Minister was kept in the dark about the impending electoral wipe-out. Like the rest of the Hungarian center-right, he was fed polls showing a comfortable six-to-eight-point Fidesz victory right until the end—figures that turned out to be off by 20 to 25 points. This far exceeded the usual margin of error, and citizens are rightly demanding an explanation.
What does the Hungarian scene look like on the ground? The once-mighty conservative think-tank network is crumbling. Dozens of well-established research institutes are likely to disappear by the end of the year, whether they were linked to Fidesz power structures or remained independent. Unless they publicly pledge loyalty to the new Tisza Party elite—a spectacle already unfolding in cringe-worthy fashion—they will receive no funding from the incoming government. On the contrary, they can expect audit after audit, with tax authorities scrutinizing their books with a magnifying glass, just like in 2002 after Orbán’s defeat by the socialists of Péter Medgyessy.
Under the pretext of an “anti-Orbán” anti-corruption drive, the Tisza government’s likely long-term goal is the complete dismantling of Hungary’s national conservative sphere.
The crown jewel of Hungarian conservative higher education, the Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC)—for decades a serious, professional alternative to the country’s left-leaning universities—is also crumbling before our eyes. Many of its students are now revolting and chanting Tisza slogans like cult members, while others feel intimidated about defending their right to an education rooted in national and patriotic values. The incoming government has already moved to cut the MCC’s funding by pressuring the leadership of MOL, the Hungarian oil giant, to withhold the dividends that have financed the institution. Meanwhile, much of the broader corporate sector has also rushed to declare its conspicuous loyalty to Péter Magyar even before the new government is sworn in.
Left-wing Hungarian media is understandably ecstatic, while pro-Fidesz outlets appear shell-shocked and are struggling to devise a new communications strategy. Many will likely disappear over the next four years. Yet the real losers are ordinary citizens, who expect the media to serve as a pillar of democracy. Instead, they are left with politically biased propaganda from both sides. Before the election, readers and viewers could choose only between brazen distortions and hateful incitement from the left, or pro-government propaganda and scaremongering from the right. Too often, the right-wing press abandoned any pretense of professional, balanced analysis. Its liberal counterparts—frequently foreign-funded and anti-Orbán—have functioned, and continue to function, as an uncritical mouthpiece for the global progressive left.
The emerging Hungarian political landscape strongly resembles the Polish model, where Prime Minister Donald Tusk has taken a sledgehammer to public media, packed the judiciary with loyalists, and engaged in the blatant persecution of political opponents. Magyar appears well on his way to creating his own version of Polish-style soft authoritarianism—except that Tusk governs with a slim majority, while Magyar enjoys a constitutional one.
The greatest trick Magyar has pulled on his voters is convincing them that he represents a center-right, post-Fidesz conservative force.
This is clearly not the case, and some of his “anything but Orbán” center-right supporters are already experiencing buyer’s remorse. Contrary to his election promises, he has surrounded himself with radical leftist ministers and advisors, including pro-LGBTQ and anti-sovereigntist activists. His new political chief, Bálint Ruff—a former advisor to both the socialists (MSZP) and liberals (SZDSZ)—has gone so far as to pledge legislation punishing what he calls “propaganda” designed to “scare people” with woke culture, gender ideology, and migrants. In other words, conservative perspectives on these issues could soon be criminalized.
The new government has not even been sworn in, yet something has already returned to Hungarian society that had been largely absent since the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989: fear. This is particularly striking given that “Do not be afraid” was one of Magyar’s pre-election slogans. Meanwhile, the former governing elite, including Orbán, has fallen almost completely silent. Citizens with traditional patriotic views feel abandoned and deeply concerned about the next four years. They feel that they have been thrown under the bus by their previous political representatives and left to fend for themselves in an openly hostile social environment.
The last time Orbán disappeared in such an inexplicable manner was during the 2015 migrant crisis. He allowed the public to experience the full force of streets and public spaces being invaded and occupied by people who showed no regard for their safety or national interests. Orbán then re-emerged and reshaped Hungary into a bastion of anti-migration policies, which he sustained for the next decade by keeping public memories of that existential national threat alive.
Is his current silence a similar tactic? It is hard to tell. The political landscape has changed radically since 2015. Like their Western counterparts, a large segment of the Hungarian population has lost its fear of abandoning an ethnically homogeneous national model. Many now view their own history as just one competing narrative among others, rather than a source of pride, while the young increasingly want to be global citizens at any cost.
As things stand, a comeback is far from guaranteed. Never mind a come-back, Orbán will need to enact radical reforms merely to ensure the survival of Hungary’s national-conservative sphere.
Featured Image: Hungary Today
The post One Month after the Hungarian Elections appeared first on Hungary Today.
One Month after the Hungarian Elections 2026 IUSTITIA.BG – Investigations 2009-2026 2026-05-08 07:09:36 Latest news World news Country news Most important news latest news most important latest of the day Justice Petar Nizamov Feathers Petar Nizamov- Feathers Justice bg iustitia.bg iustitia iusticia usticia investigation Burgas Bulgaria news news of the last hour news of the day news of today Bulgaria news The news from Bulgaria blitz news top news most important most commented latest news Boyko Borisov news weather coronavirus news news weather facebook youtube facebook instagram news today news of the last minutes news today today news news bg news leading news hot news bg news site for news all news news bg news of the last hour latest latest news bg news of today news today news today news of the last hour latest news today news bg news news 24 hours news vesti bg novini news world bird bg bivol bg bivol trud bg novini latest news today novinite bg news hello bulgaria political party coat of arms delyan peevski scandalous Bulgarian National Television Free Europe Television scandal exclusive live tv live right now tv tv online tv program bg live now tv news online tv online live court Burgas court Burgas district court Burgas court Burgas district court Burgas district court Burgas appellate court Burgas prosecutor Burgas prosecutor’s office Burgas district prosecutor’s office Burgas district prosecutor’s office Burgas district prosecutor’s office Burgas district prosecutor’s office Burgas district prosecutor’s office Burgas district prosecutor’s office Prosecutor General Ivan Geshev Prosecutor Geshev Tsatsarov Ministry of Internal Affairs Burgas ODMR Burgas ODPR Burgas police Burgas district police Burgas prosecutor Tsatsarov SGS cases Varna court chairman of the SGS court decisions on civil cases decisions on cases Plovdiv court decision of the court decisions cases Varna court criminal cases district district court decisions work in the court SGS chairman of the SGS judges Sofia court post judges Plovdiv court Plovdiv judges Plovdiv Supreme Court Inspectorate Supreme Court Supreme Judicial Council lawyer lawyer criminal cases lawyer civil cases lawyer marriage cases lawyer administrative criminal law criminal process civil law civil process administrative law constitutional law Legfrissebb hírek Világhírek Országhírek Legfontosabb hírek legfrissebb hírek legfontosabb a nap legfrissebb hírei Petar Nizamov bíró Tollak Petar Nizamov – Tollak Igazságszolgáltatás bg iustitia.bg iustitia iusticia usticia nyomozás Burgasz Bulgária hírek az elmúlt óra hírei a nap hírei mai hírek Bulgária hírek Bulgária hírei villámhírek top hírek legfontosabb legtöbbet kommentált legfrissebb hírek Bojko Boriszov hírek időjárás koronavírus hírek hírek időjárás facebook youtube facebook instagram mai hírek az utolsó percek hírei hírek ma ma hírek hírek bg hírek vezető hírek forró hírek bg híroldal hírekhez minden hír hír bg az elmúlt óra hírei legfrissebb hírek bg mai hírek ma hírek ma hírek az elmúlt óra hírei legfrissebb hírek ma hírek bg hírek 24 órás hírek vesti bg novini hírek világ madár bg bivol bg bivol trud bg novini legfrissebb hírek ma novinite bg hírek hello bolgár politikai párt címer delyan peevski botrányos Bolgár Nemzeti Televízió Szabad Európa Televízió botrány exkluzív élő tv élő most tv tv online tv műsor bg élőben most tv hírek online tv online élő bíróság Burgasz bíróság Burgasz járási bíróság Burgasz bíróság Burgasz járási bíróság Burgasz járási bíróság Burgasz fellebbviteli bíróság Burgasz ügyész Burgasz ügyészség Burgasz járási ügyészség Burgasz járási ügyészség Burgasz járási ügyészség Burgasz járási ügyészség Burgasz járási ügyészség Burgasz járási ügyészség Burgasz járási ügyészség Burgasz járási ügyészség Főügyész Ivan Geshev ügyész Geshev Tsatsarov Belügyminisztérium Burgasz ODMR Burgasz ODPR Burgasz rendőrség Burgasz járási rendőrség Burgasz ügyész Tsatsarov SGS ügyek Várna bíróság a SGS elnöke bírósági határozatok polgári ügyekben határozatok ügyekben Plovdivi bíróság bírósági határozatok ügyek Várna bíróság büntetőügyek kerületi járási bíróság határozatok munka a bíróságon SGS az SGS elnöke bírák Szófiai bíróság poszt bírák Plovdivi bíróság Plovdivi bírák Plovdiv Legfelsőbb Bíróság Felügyelőség Legfelsőbb Bíróság Legfelsőbb Bírósági Tanács ügyvéd ügyvéd büntetőügyek ügyvéd polgári ügyek ügyvéd házassági ügyek ügyvéd közigazgatási büntetőjog büntetőeljárás polgári jog polgári eljárás közigazgatási jog alkotmányjog
